Example 1: Pseudonymization, Bodner (2018)

In his monograph „Berg/Leute. Ethnografie eines ausgebliebenen Bergsturzes am Eiblschrofen bei Schwaz in Tirol 1999“ (Mountain/People: Ethnography of a Near-Miss Rockslide at Eiblschrofen near Schwaz in Tyrol 1999), European ethnologist Reinhard Bodner explores how local residents manage the risks associated with rockslides. The monograph provides detailed insights into the author’s methodological approach in the field, particularly regarding anonymization and pseudonymization strategies. For most of his interview participants, the author refrains from using their real names to protect their privacy, opting instead for pseudonyms or aliases. He explains his approach as follows:

„I avoided phonetic similarities to real first and last names; however, by using family names that are relatively common in Schwaz, I sought to retain (or recreate) a local tone“ (Bodner, 2018, p. 62¹Translated by Saskia Köbschall.).

For instance, Franz Müller was not transformed into Max Müller, Mr. X, or the initials FM. Instead, the pseudonymization process was approached as a creative endeavor, striking a balance between protecting personal rights and preserving the informational value of the data. As a result, participants in the publication are given names such as Richard Fuhrmann or Ingrid Zoller.

Public figures, such as the mayor, retain their real names in the monograph and are not pseudonymized. For particularly prominent individuals, such as a spokesperson for a citizens‘ initiative who is frequently featured in the media, the author omits their first and last names but mentions their social function. This example highlights the significant role pseudonymization plays in shaping ethnographic representation. Through the pseudonymization process, ethnographers actively shape the portrayal of field actors, influencing how these individuals are perceived by readers. By emphasizing certain characteristics of research participants while omitting others, ethnographers create “figures of their own reality” (Bodner, 2018, p. 62), a dynamic researchers must remain aware of.

Example 2: Fictionalization, Rottenburg (2002)

An illustrative example of extensive fictionalization can be found in the book „Weit hergeholte Fakten. Eine Parabel der Entwicklungshilfe“ (2002, Far-Fetched Facts: A Parable of Development Aid) by social anthropologist Richard Rottenburg. In this work, Rottenburg employs literary abstraction to present the findings of his research on development cooperation in an African context.

Rottenburg constructs the narrative through four distinct authorial voices. He himself appears as the empirical author only in the introduction and the final chapter. The second voice is that of the ethnographer Eduard B. Drotleff, who narrates the first three parts of the book, detailing his field research. Additionally, two other narrators contribute their perspectives: an organizational ethnologist and a local entrepreneur. Each voice embodies a different role and viewpoint, illustrating various facets of the research context.

This literary technique allows Rottenburg to highlight the constructed nature of the text. He justifies his choice of fictionalization by arguing that naming real-life individuals could lead readers to fixate on the question, “Who is actually responsible for the described circumstances?” Instead, fictionalization is intended to shift focus away from the strengths and weaknesses of individual actors, directing attention to the broader significance of structural principles (Rottenburg, 2002, p. 4).

Example 3: Anonymization through Animation, Gregory Gan (2023)

“Empathy for Concrete Things” is an animated documentary released in 2023 by Gregory Gan. The film explores the history of concrete, panel-block architecture (Plattenbau) through case studies of major 20th-century art movements and dialogues with five visual artists. These artists share their experiences of living and working in Soviet-era concrete, panel-block apartments. By interweaving personal and global narratives, the film critiques the utopian fantasies of modernity and Cold War imagery against the backdrop of current humanitarian and political crises.

To ensure participants’ anonymity while creatively interpreting their narratives, the film employs original watercolor animations. These artistic visuals replace direct representations of the participants’ identities. Additionally, interviews were carefully edited to remove all identifying information and re-recorded with voice actors²These measures are rather atypical for visual anthropology projects, as participants are usually visible in videos. However, they were ethically and legally necessary here because some of the statements were politically sensitive..

Example 4: Anonymization through Aggregation, Asher & Jahnke (2013)

The article “Curating the Ethnographic Moment” (Asher & Jahnke, 2013) discusses challenges and practices in research data management, particularly concerning ethics, obtaining informed consent, and strategies for anonymization and pseudonymization. Researchers were interviewed about their experiences. A sociologist describes the following dilemma:

“I wanted to do life histories with priests [in central Pennsylvania], and part of the problem was … we got into a situation where people might tell me things about their personal lives that are sort of not confidential in the IRB sense but that might be upsetting to their congregations – like I talked to one priest who had been married three times, where if the congregation had known about that they would have been very upset. There’s nothing illegal about it; this person’s not shy about telling that, but it could have been damaging.” (2-13-111411).

This excerpt contains a reference to the research location, „central Pennsylvania.“ A reader of the article left the following comment on the website:

“I am finding this article to be extremely useful and interesting. However, I noticed this “I wanted to do life histories with priests [in central Pennsylvania]” and I think you should remove the geographic reference. There can’t be that many priests in central Penn. and marriage certificates are public records. By including this geography in your article, you may yourself be compromising the privacy of the potential respondents”.

The authors responded with the following justification:

 “Your point is well taken. We chose to replace a specific geographic reference (in this case a town) with the more general and nonspecific “central Pennsylvania” in order to retain contextual information while expanding the population of potential people to a large enough degree to make identification difficult. Since “central Pennsylvania” can be used to refer to almost anywhere between Philadelphia and Pittsburgh, it would take a very committed person to compile a list of priests and cross reference it with marriage records–both very difficult tasks, especially since the person in question could have been married anywhere. However, as an added precaution, we have also omitted information about when the researcher was conducting this work and denomination of the priest the researcher was discussing, which further expands the population that would have to be investigated. We therefore believe the risk of identification is very low, but you are correct in noting that researchers and archivists need to be aware that seemingly innocuous details can result in breaches of confidentiality.“

This example illustrates the delicate balance researchers must strike when attempting to anonymize sensitive information while retaining enough context to ensure the integrity and interpretability of their research. It also highlights the ongoing vigilance required to assess and mitigate risks to participant confidentiality, even when aggregating or generalizing potentially identifying details.